OPINION: Political Accommodation Must Not Overshadow Governance

Ahmad Ayaz

The much-awaited cabinet reshuffle in Jammu and Kashmir has taken place, with four legislators inducted into the Council of Ministers and Independent MLA Satish Sharma dropped. While the exercise may help the National Conference (NC) leadership manage competing aspirations within its ranks, the more important question is whether it will make any meaningful difference to the lives of ordinary people.

At a time when Jammu and Kashmir continues to grapple with unresolved statehood, unemployment, unfulfilled electoral commitments and concerns over public service delivery, a reshuffle that does not improve governance risks becoming a misplaced priority. People are waiting for tangible results, not merely a rearrangement of ministerial positions.

Chief Minister Omar Abdullah has repeatedly highlighted the limitations of governing Jammu and Kashmir as a Union Territory. The division of powers between the elected government and the Lieutenant Governor undoubtedly constrains the administration in important areas. However, this also raises a fundamental question: if the Chief Minister acknowledges that his government lacks adequate powers, how much can a change in the composition of his cabinet achieve without addressing the structural limitations affecting governance?

A reshuffle can introduce new faces, redistribute portfolios and accommodate political aspirations. But unless it improves departmental performance, strengthens accountability and accelerates the implementation of electoral promises, its significance for ordinary citizens will remain limited.

A Misplaced Priority at a Critical Time

The timing of the reshuffle deserves scrutiny. The NC government, which assumed office in October 2024, has completed two years in office. Public expectations remain high, particularly regarding the restoration of statehood, employment opportunities, welfare commitments and a more responsive administration.

The government’s argument that its powers are limited deserves serious consideration. But the passage of time also makes it necessary to examine what has been achieved within the existing framework, which commitments remain unfulfilled and what concrete steps are being taken to address them.

A cabinet reshuffle does not, by itself, create jobs, accelerate recruitment, improve healthcare facilities, ensure reliable water and electricity supplies or make government offices more accessible. Nor does it resolve the political question of statehood.

To be fair, changing a minister can bring fresh energy, experience and a different approach to departmental functioning.

If appointments are guided by competence, performance and a clear plan for improvement, a reshuffle can serve a legitimate purpose.

But if its principal objective is to accommodate political ambitions, satisfy influential legislators and manage internal party equations, its public value becomes difficult to establish.

The issue is not whether the Chief Minister has the authority to reshuffle his cabinet. It is whether this was the most pressing task before his government.

When people are demanding delivery and accountability, political accommodation should not take precedence over the substantive problems confronting them.

Limited Powers, Continuing Responsibilities

Omar Abdullah’s concerns about the Union Territory arrangement cannot simply be dismissed. Important areas, including police and public order, remain outside the elected government’s direct control. The distribution of authority between the Chief Minister and the Lieutenant Governor can complicate decision-making and restrict the elected administration’s ability to act independently.

Restoration of statehood would fundamentally change the framework within which the elected government operates, giving it greater authority over areas currently outside its control. The Centre must address this long-standing political demand rather than allowing uncertainty to continue indefinitely.

However, institutional limitations cannot become a blanket explanation for every administrative shortcoming. Many matters affecting everyday life fall within the responsibilities of departments administered by the elected government. Administrative efficiency, monitoring public projects, grievance redressal and the accessibility of officials remain areas where improvements are possible.

The government can strengthen recruitment processes, monitor welfare schemes, improve departmental coordination and ensure that public services reach people without unnecessary delays. It can identify obstacles requiring intervention by the Lieutenant Governor or the Union government, pursue the necessary approvals and keep the public informed about progress.

Citizens are entitled to distinguish between matters genuinely beyond the government’s control and those where administrative initiative and political will can produce results.

The demand for statehood must therefore continue, but it must go hand in hand with effective governance under the existing arrangement. The Centre has a responsibility to address the question of statehood, while the elected government must demonstrate that it is using the powers already available to it responsibly.

Statehood is an essential political objective, but it cannot substitute for governance. Equally, administrative limitations cannot become an excuse for avoiding accountability.

Two Years of Expectations and Questions Over Performance

The National Conference returned to power in October 2024 with a mandate accompanied by considerable public expectations. People looked to the elected government for better administration, employment opportunities, welfare measures and progress on the political issues that have shaped Jammu and Kashmir’s recent history.

The party’s electoral commitments raised hopes of a visible change in people’s lives. Promises concerning free electricity, LPG cylinders, employment, prisoners and the Public Safety Act (PSA), among other issues, now require a transparent assessment of progress.

Which commitments have been fulfilled? Which are being implemented? Which remain pending, and what obstacles stand in the way of their implementation?

These are legitimate questions that the government must answer through verifiable information rather than general assurances. Not every commitment can necessarily be implemented immediately, and some may depend on financial, legal or administrative constraints. But the public deserves clarity about the status of each promise and the steps being taken to fulfil it.

Employment, recruitment delays, welfare commitments and the quality of public services remain important concerns. The absence of statehood cannot, on its own, explain every delay or shortcoming without examining the circumstances surrounding each issue.

A serious review of departmental performance should have provided a meaningful basis for restructuring the cabinet. Which departments have delivered? Where have projects stalled? Which ministers have met their responsibilities, and where is corrective action required?

These questions should guide decisions about ministerial appointments.

Changing the occupants of ministerial offices without assessing departmental performance risks turning an opportunity for administrative reform into an exercise in political management. If the reshuffle is intended to improve governance, the Chief Minister should explain what improvements are expected from the new ministers and how their performance will be evaluated.

The public deserves an administration that measures success by outcomes rather than announcements.

Ministerial Ambitions Versus Public Responsibility

One of the challenges facing the NC leadership is the limited number of ministerial positions available to a party with a sizeable legislative contingent.

Under the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act, 2019, the Council of Ministers cannot exceed 10 per cent of the total strength of the Legislative Assembly. With 90 elected members, the maximum permissible strength is nine ministers, including the Chief Minister. The reshuffle has brought the Council to that limit.

This restriction makes it impossible to accommodate every legislator aspiring to ministerial office.

For some MLAs, a ministerial position represents an opportunity to contribute their experience to the administration. Others may regard it as recognition of their seniority, electoral performance, regional influence or contribution to the party. Such aspirations are familiar features of parliamentary politics.

However, an MLA’s responsibility extends far beyond the possibility of becoming a minister. Legislators are elected to represent their constituents, raise public grievances, scrutinise government decisions and hold the administration accountable.

Ministerial office is neither the sole measure of a legislator’s worth nor a prerequisite for meaningful public service. The absence of a ministerial position should not become an excuse for neglecting constituency responsibilities.

The NC leadership must ensure that legislators who have not been accommodated continue to play meaningful roles in the party and the legislative process. Their experience can be utilised in policy discussions, legislative scrutiny and efforts to resolve public grievances.

A broader question also deserves attention: why does ministerial office carry such political significance that its denial can generate visible dissatisfaction? Is the emphasis on public service, or has the distribution of positions become a measure of political status and influence?

The danger is that competition over who deserves a ministerial berth may overshadow the more important question of what the government should be doing for the people.

The larger purpose of representative democracy must not be reduced to a contest for executive positions.

Will the Reshuffle Deepen Internal Discontent?

The reshuffle has brought competing aspirations within the NC into sharper focus. Disappointment over the allocation of ministerial positions, including the exclusion of senior MLA Mubarak Gul, illustrates the difficulty of managing expectations within a party whose legislative strength exceeds the number of available ministerial berths.

Nevertheless, it would be premature to conclude that dissatisfaction will inevitably lead to rebellion, a breakaway group or a party split. Political discontent does not automatically translate into organised dissent. Much will depend on how the leadership handles the grievances of excluded legislators and whether they continue to feel valued within the organisation.

The NC leadership must balance political considerations with administrative requirements. Ministerial appointments should be based on the responsibilities involved, the capabilities required and the objective of improving governance—not merely on the need to contain internal discontent.

A cabinet is not simply a mechanism for distributing positions. It is the principal political executive responsible for translating government priorities into administrative action.

If the reshuffle fails to improve departmental functioning, it may offer only temporary political relief. If the new ministers demonstrate competence and deliver results, however, the exercise could strengthen public confidence.

Ultimately, internal party management is the responsibility of the NC leadership. The electorate should not have to bear the consequences if political negotiations consume attention that ought to be devoted to public concerns.

What Must the New Ministers Deliver?

The newly inducted ministers should be judged by their performance, not by the circumstances of their appointment.

Each department should have clearly defined priorities, measurable targets and a mechanism for reviewing progress. Delayed projects must be examined, recruitment processes monitored, welfare schemes assessed and administrative bottlenecks addressed.

Ministers should ensure that public grievances receive timely attention and that citizens do not have to rely on political connections to access routine government services. Accessibility, responsiveness and accountability must become essential features of departmental functioning.

The Chief Minister must strengthen coordination between departments and ensure that senior officials are held accountable for their responsibilities. If a minister is appointed to improve a department’s performance, the public should be able to identify the improvements expected and assess whether they have materialised.

The government should publish periodic progress reports on its electoral commitments, distinguishing between completed promises, those under implementation and those awaiting decisions beyond its jurisdiction. Such transparency would enable citizens to assess performance on the basis of verifiable information rather than political claims.

Where financial constraints, legal obstacles or decisions by authorities outside the elected government’s control prevent implementation, the government should explain the reasons and outline the steps being taken to resolve them.

A reshuffle can be meaningful if it produces this kind of change. Without it, the public has little reason to regard a change in ministerial composition as a solution to the problems confronting the administration.

The Real Test Is Delivery, Not Designation

Ultimately, the significance of the reshuffle will depend on whether it produces tangible improvements in governance. For the NC, the exercise may help accommodate some legislators and reorganise political responsibilities. But it cannot, by itself, resolve the question of statehood, fulfil electoral commitments or erase concerns about the government’s performance.

For ordinary citizens, the identity of a minister matters far less than the performance of the department concerned. People want employment opportunities, accessible healthcare, reliable water and electricity supplies, effective administration and progress on the political commitments made to them.

They also want an elected government that acknowledges its limitations without using them to avoid responsibility for matters within its control.

The Chief Minister must recognise that keeping legislators satisfied and keeping the public satisfied are two different challenges. The first may require political negotiation; the second demands delivery, transparency and accountability.

Any reshuffle that is not driven by the objective of improving governance risks becoming a misplaced priority. At a time when public expectations remain high and important commitments are yet to be fulfilled, the government must focus on measurable outcomes rather than the distribution of ministerial positions.

The National Conference leadership must also ensure that the ambitions of its MLAs do not overshadow their responsibilities towards the electorate. Political office is a means of public service, not an end in itself.

The ultimate test is straightforward: will the reshuffle make the government more responsive, accelerate the implementation of promises and improve people’s everyday lives?

If the new ministers deliver tangible results, the exercise may acquire genuine public significance. If it merely changes the occupants of ministerial offices while the larger problems remain unaddressed, its impact will be confined largely to political accommodation.

The people did not vote merely to see their representatives become ministers. They voted with expectations of better governance, meaningful change and a government that delivers. Those expectations—not ministerial designations—must remain the real priority.

(STRAIGHT TALK COMMUNICATIONS EXCLUSIVE. The author is a Columnist. He can be reached at ahmadayaz08@gmail.com.)

(Disclaimer: The views are of the author and not of the Straight Talk Communications)

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *